Three enamels of the Renaissance

Renaissance enamelled plates and bowl

attributed to Pierre REYMOND (active between 1537 and 1585) and his workshop.

Plate to the hunt, around 1550
in enamel painted in grisaille and gilded on a black background representing in the background a hunt with two riders and their mounts accompanied by two dogs. The descent is decorated with dot and wave motifs, the marli is composed of a frieze of fruit and foliage in grisaille. The reverse on a black background presents in the center a floral motif accompanied by fleur-de-lys. The border decorated with a branch of ivy running over the whole.
Signed "P.R".

Limoges, mid 16th century, circa 1550.

Diam. 17.5 cm (small accidents).

Provenance:
- gallery A. Vecht, Amsterdam,
- collection abbey of S., Auvergne.

Court hunting plate, in painted enamel Limousin attributed to Pierre Reymond and his workshop, mid 16th century.

The iconography of hunting is generally present in the production of Limousin enamel tableware in the 16th century and in the work of Pierre Reymond in particular. And with good reason, hunting is a regular activity of the sponsors. The latter necessarily influence the production of enamels with hunting representations, of which the most brilliant designers, such as Jacques Androuet du Cerceau (1510-1584), provide models. Hunting with deer, wild boar or rabbit (Fig. 1-3) is thus illustrated. While the plates mentioned above are somewhat clumsy because of the obvious disproportion between the figures and the animals and plants, our plate is more naturalistic. The scene takes place in a forest where the treetops are not framed. The truncated representation of the plants is the result of a desire to faithfully render the proportions of nature in relation to those of the characters. This intention can also be seen in the hunting of Aiguière du Triomphe de Diane, Pierre Reymond's masterpiece (fig.4).

A lion hunt without a lion

In the forest setting of our plate, two men are riding rearing horses. Each of the riders is armed with a lance. One is helmeted and equipped with a shield, the other turns around trying to point his weapon at a target. But what is he really aiming at? At first glance, there is no prey in the scene, except for the poor dog chasing his master's horse. The model that inspired this composition reveals the animal being hunted. Pierre Reymond's workshop seems to have composed this scene from a graphic model used by Valerio Belli (1468-1546) for the realization of engraved bronze (fig.5) or rock crystal plates (fig.6). A lion hunt is originally illustrated in Belli's works. Although there are many more horsemen, the gestures of the main protagonists hunting the beast are in every way comparable to the representation painted in grisaille on our plate. The rider on the right articulates the same posture and the horses each raise their legs in the same way. The dog on the left runs straight ahead, while his companion turns his head slightly to the left as if to attack and seize the prey. Also, the line depicting the ground is found in the figuration of our plate. Pierre Reymond uses this composition several times, notably for the lid of a box (fig.7). Apart from Pierre Reymond, the model of this hunt also served as inspiration for Jean III Pénicaud (act. 1573-1606) for the realization of an enamel plate painted in grisaille (fig.8). However, it is worth noting a more mannerist treatment - by the very muscular figuration of both riders and horses - which is not shown on our plate by Reymond. The diffusion of the same model in several workshops poses the problem of access to these works in bronze or rock crystal. Did the model belong to a patron, did the workshops have the means to obtain each one a copy or was there a collaboration of master enamellers? At this time, specialists leave the question unanswered.

The first style of Pierre Reymond?

If the initials " P.R " appearing under the hind hooves of the right horse allows on the one hand to attribute this plate to Pierre Reymond and his workshop, the treatment of the figurative elements corresponds on the other hand to the work of this master. The horses are close to those presented on the basis of Absalon's Chancellor of Death (Fig. 9), themselves inspired by the engravings of Bernard Salomon (1505-1566) for the illustration of the Historic Quadrins of the Bible (Fig. 10). As for the hounds, the figuration of the hounds is reminiscent of the hunting dog of the Plate of March (fig.11), while the helmet of the left hunter is identical to that of the Argonauts (fig.12). But in a more general way, this representation is characteristic of Pierre Reymond's works. The craftsman composes naturalistic scenes whose large black circles individualize each figure while making the treatment relatively simple. This plate must be inscribed in the first part of the master's work, by virtue of the naturalistic and minimalist treatment of the scene, the decoration of the wing and the reverse. The articulation of a dating around 1550 is therefore conceivable.

Illustrations :

Fig. 1 Anonyme, La Chasse au cerf, courant XVIe, Paris, Louvre, MR 2563.

Fig. 2 Anonyme, La Chasse au sanglier, courant XVIe, Paris, Louvre, MR 2562

Fig. 3 Anonyme, La Chasse au lapin, courant XVIe, Paris, Louvre, MR 2564.

Fig. 4 Pierre Reymond, Aiguière du Triomphe de Diane, 1554, émail, Haut. 26,6, Diam. 14,4 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, MR2420.

Fig. 5 Valerio Belli, Chasse au lion, fin XVe-début XVIe, bronze, Paris, Musée du Louvre, OA3239

Fig. 6 Valerio Belli, Chasse au lion, fin XVe-début XVIe siècle, cristal de roche, Haut. 7,1, Larg. 8,1 cm., Tours, Musée des Beaux-Arts, 904-1-17.

Fig. 7 Pierre Reymond, Coffret à décor de scène de chasse au lion, scènes mythologiques et paysages habités d’animaux, (détail du couvercle), émail sur cuivre, bois, velours, Haut. 12, Larg. 20, Prof. 15,4 cm., Paris, Petit Palais, ODUT1261.

Fig. 8 Attribuée à Jean III Pénicaud, Chasse au lion, Seconde moitié du XVIe siècle, Émail sur cuivre, Paris, Louvre, OA965.

Fig. 9 Pierre Reymond, Chancelier de la mort d’Absalon, (détail) 1564, émail sur cuivre, Haut. 34, Diam. 20 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, MR 2507.

Fig. 10 Bernard Salomon, La Mort d’Absalon, in PARADIN, Claude, « Rois XVIII », Quadrins historiques de la Bible, éd. de 1560, Lyon, Jan de Tournes.

Fig. 11 Pierre Reymond, Assiette du mois de Mars, 1566, émail peint, Diam. 20,1 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, R264.

Fig. 12 Pierre Reymond, Assiette des Argonautes chez le roi Phinée, 1568, émail peint, Diam. 20,1 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, OA4023.

attributed to François GUIBERT (active at the end of the XVIth-early XVIIth).

Plate of "Loth and his daughters"

in enamel painted in grisaille, pink complexions, golden ornaments on a black background. The background represents the drunkenness of Lot accompanied by his daughters in a cave. In the background, the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah on fire. The descent decorated with patterns of dots and waves, the marli composed at the four cardinal points of leather supporting heads of grotesques. They are each separated by motifs of rinceaux and clusters of fruit. The back is decorated in the center with a faun surrounded by scrolls holding his wrists at the belt and crossing his legs. The border decorated with two crossed branches facing each other up to the upper part.
Signed " F.G " and titled " Lot and her daughters ".

Limoges, second half of the 16th-early 17th century.

Diam. 20.6 cm.
(small accidents).

Provenance: collection abbaye de S., Auvergne.

Plate of "Loth and his daugthers" enamel Limousin attributed to François Guibert. Second half of the 16th-early 17th century.

Titled in the upper part, our plate illustrates the episode of Lot and his daughters whose subject is taken from Genesis (XIX, 30-38). In the background, the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah are set on fire, for God's wrath has fallen on them to punish men for their enormous sins. Warned by two angels, Lot, Abraham's nephew, leaves the city accompanied by his wife, a donkey, and his two daughters. Only his two daughters surround him here, his wife having been turned into a statue of salt for turning to the remains of burning cities, despite God's prohibition. So "Lot went up from Zoar to settle in the mountain with his two daughters, because he was afraid to settle in Zoar. He settled in a cave. Then the elder daughter said to the younger daughter: Our father is old, and there is no man in the country to go with us according to the custom of all. Come, let us make our father drink wine and lie with him, that we may give life to our father's offspring. So they made their father drink wine that night; and the eldest went and lay with her father: and he knew nothing, neither when she lay down nor when she arose. The next day the elder said to the younger daughter, "I slept with my father last night; let us make him drink wine again tonight, and go and lie with him, that we may give life to our father's offspring. And they made their father drink wine again that night, and the younger daughter arose and lay with him: and he knew nothing, neither when she lay down nor when she arose. So the two daughters of Lot were pregnant by their father" (Genesis XIX, 30-36). The carnal moments to come are only sketched here. The bare-breasted girls with busts uncovered are serving their father the drink guilty of his drunkenness, of which a ewer and a bottle on the floor already attest to his drunkenness. No longer aware of his actions, he embraces one of his daughters with his two arms, while he watches the wine flow by without saying a word.

A widely broadcast representation

This episode is not uncommon in Limousin enameling, since it is very much appreciated by the customers . Bernard Salomon's vignette for the illustration of the Historic Quadrins (fig.13) is widely used by enamel painters for the decoration of their pieces. And for good reason, Salomon's work had a considerable influence on the production of painted enamels, as his collections of engravings are abundant, new and inexpensive. The Salière of the Museum of Fine Arts in Dijon attributed to Pierre Courteys (-1581) takes up the composition of the Lyon engraver by placing the figures in identical positions (fig.14). The artisan enameller only adapts the dimensions of the landscape to the circular support of the salt shaker. While he simplifies the details, Pierre Courteys reproduces the composition of this print more easily when he copies it in polychrome enamel on a flat surface (fig.15). However, some Limousin painters detached themselves from this major model of the second half of the sixteenth century to produce more complex scenes. Such is the case of Master I.C. when he composed the Standing Cup of Lot and his Daughters (Fig. 16). Although the figures are set up identically to Solomon's engraving, the landscape however presents a lush vegetation that takes precedence over the remains of ancient architecture. The burned city of Sodom also tends to draw inspiration from the ruins of Roman antiquity. To achieve the production of such a scene, the painter seems to have to his knowledge the prints engraved by Etienne Delaune. The first one was made in 1561 (Fig. 17). The second is composed in 1569 (Fig. 18) after a drawing by Luca Penni.
Our plate does not seem to present any real similarities with these engravings. The figures are shown on the left while the engraved models place them on the right. Lot's wife is absent from the scene on our plate, while the landscape occupies an inferior place in our composition. There is no lack of engraved models to illustrate this iconography. Raphael I Sadeler (1560-1632), Heinrich Aldegrever (1502-1558) or Nicolo dell'Abate (1509-1571) saw their painted or drawn works spread through engraving and copies throughout Europe and particularly in Limoges. As such, a drawing by the painter of Modena, installed in Fontainebleau since 1552, can be compared to the scene on our plate, all the more so as it is the subject of several copies (fig.19-20). Although the daughters of Lot are placed differently, each one has the same role. One serves the drink, the other receives it in a cup while kissing the father. The servant on our plate also has a graphic treatment closely comparable to the girl in the foreground of Nicolo dell'Abate's drawing. Her legs are installed in a similar manner. Her face and hairstyle are also very close. Moreover, the space reserved for the landscape is limited both in the drawing and in the scene of our plate. The city is represented through four buildings: two with flat roofs, a crenellated wall and a tower. The sketch of the burned cities is reminiscent of the treatment of the different cities in the background of Jacques Androuet du Cerceau's landscapes. In spite of these similarities with Nicola dell'Abate's drawing, the composition of our plate remains far from this graphic model. A part of doubt remains present, just as with regard to the identity of its author.

François Guibert: a master to discover

Marked "F.G", this plate is a priori the work of an anonymous enameller painter if not more or less referenced, unlike the Limosin or Pénicaud dynasties. The study of the inventories of the Limousin enamellers of the modern period has however exhumed from the archives the name of François Guibert whose initials could correspond to those of the author of our plate. He is found "in 1608, in the certificate of the jurors and master goldsmiths of Limoges, relating to the masterpiece executed by Jean Péconnet, François Célière, Jean Mouret, Léonard Desflottes and Guillaume Blanchard, all aspiring to mastery". Indeed, "Jean Veyrier, Pierre Guibert, François Guibert, M. Ardent, Jean Célière, Albert Pinchaud, Bartholomé Guibert, Texendier, Mouret, Pierre Péconnet, Jean Blanchard" are the master goldsmiths summoned for the examination of the masterpieces. However, none of the masters cited seems to be referenced as enamel painters at this time, while none of the pieces presented are related to enamel painting. Therefore, it seems for Maryvonne Bessi-Cassan that François Guibert is not an enamel painter but rather a master goldsmith. She indeed recalls that these professions were split into two distinct trades during the 16th century. However, Maurice Ardent attributes the paternity of three enamels to François Guibert, including a representation of Saint Marguerite and a portrait of Mathieu Molé. For this identification, he relies on an annuity received by "François Guimbert" on a register of income from the abbey of Saint-Martial, on a vineyard of the clos Fontalernoux, for the year 1655: "It was also due to St-Gérald des dîmes by syre François Guimbert, master orphan, on his vineyard of the clos des Guibert and his house in rue Grandes-Pousses, from 1655 to 1658". He specifies that François Guibert uses the monogram "FG" to sign his enamels. The lack of knowledge of this craftsman associated with the total absence of conservation of his works in public collections leads to an obvious historiographical oblivion. The consultation of the collections of many museums and the reading of dictionaries of enamel painters has so far not allowed us to gather more information about this artist. In this sense, it is perhaps necessary to nuance the remarks of Maryvonne Bessi-Cassan and glimpse the possibility of attributing this piece to François Guibert, a master whose mastery remains to be discovered.

Fig. 13 Bernard Salomon, Loth et ses filles, in PARADIN, Claude, « Genèse XIX », Quadrins historiques de la Bible, éd. de 1560, Lyon, Jan de Tournes.

Fig. 14 Attribuée à Pierre Courteys, Salière de Loth et ses filles, seconde moitié du XVIe siècle, émail peint, Haut. 11, Diam. 11,3 cm., Dijon, Musée des Beaux-Arts, CA T 1305.

Fig. 15 Pierre Courteys, Coffret à scènes bibliques, (détail), XVIe siècle, émail peint, Haut. 21, Larg. 24,5, Prof. 13,6 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, OA 948.

Fig. 16 Maître IC, Coupe de Loth et ses filles, seconde moitié du XVIe siècle, émail peint, Haut. 5,2, Diam. 26,3 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, MR2462.

Fig. 17 Etienne Delaune, Loth commentant l’inceste avec ses filles, 1561, burin, Haut., 6,7, Larg. 8,8 cm., Strasbourg, cabinet des estampes, 77.2013.0.227

Fig. 18 Etienne Delaune, Loth et ses filles, 1569, burin, Paris, Musée du Louvre.

Fig. 19 D’après Nicolo dell’Abate, Loth enivré par ses filles, XVIe siècle, plume et encre brune et rehaut de blanc, Haut. 25, Larg. 18,9 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, INV 6797.

Fig. 20 D’après Nicolo dell’Abate, Loth enivré par ses filles, XVIe siècle, plume et encre brune et rehaut de blanc, Haut. 29,6, Larg. 27,9 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, INV21125.

attributed to John III PENICAUD (act. 1573-1606) or his entourage.

Mythological Hunting Cup

in enamel painted in grisaille, pink complexions and golden ornaments on a black background. The belly is decorated with mythological scenes of hunting with deer, boar and bird, consisting of riders armed with spears and axes, an arched child mounting a goat, flappers with spikes and others sounding the trumpet. In the background, trees and bushes simulating a forest with houses. The foot is decorated with scrolls, anthropomorphic heads on leather motifs surrounded by bouquets of fruit and horns of abundant vegetation ending in lion heads. The interior reveals a profile of a laurelled Roman emperor, probably Domitian, inscribed in a medallion.

Limoges, second half of the 16th-early 17th century.

Height. 19, Diam. 20 cm.
(small accidents, fragility at the foot).

Provenance:
- gallery A. Vecht, Amsterdam,
- collection abbey of S., Auvergne.

Cup of mythological hunts in Limousin enamel attributed to Jean II Pénicaud. Second half of the 16th-early 17th century.

A rare cup of hunting

Obviously, the decoration of a cup is much more complex than that of a plate or dish, considering the convex surface of the object. To assist the goldsmith or enamel painter, artists provide models for the decoration of these pieces. Jacques Androuet du Cerceau offers at least 10 engraved plates . His composition of the Triumph of Diana (Fig. 21) serves for example as a model for the decoration of the shoulder of the ewer of the same name by Pierre Reymond (Fig. 4). It should be noted, however, that no model referenced in this series of prints corresponds to the interior or exterior decoration of our bowl. On the belly, two scenes stand out. The first depicts a boar hunt with three horsemen - a woman and two men -, an arched child mounting a raw goat, a woman and a man running and holding a spear, and two hounds. The second depicts a deer hunt. A rider points his spear at the deer, a woman blows a horn, and a stabber runs toward the trapped animal. A more anecdotal hunt is added to this scene. A child points the arrow of his bow at a bird in flight while a dog directs his gaze at the bird.

A mythological hunt:

Wild boar hunting occupies nearly three-quarters of the belly because of the larger number of protagonists. The men are naked or dressed in drapes. The women are dressed with a chiton attached to the left shoulder, revealing their right breast in the manner of the Amazons. It seems in this sense that this representation appeals to an ancient inspiration. Several hunts and fights against wild boars are recounted in Greco-Latin mythology: the fight of Hercules against the boar of Erymanthe, the death of Adonis or the hunt for boar of Calydon. If the first two cited episodes cannot be retained here, the last one could well have inspired the decoration of this cup. Several sources report this story after Homer: Ovid (Metamorphoses, VIII, 260-297), Hygin (Fables, CLXXIII) or Apollodore (Library, I, 8, 2). The story is born from the forgetting of a sacrifice in honor of Diana by Oeneus, king of Calydon. To punish him, the goddess "sent a boar terrible in strength and size, which ravaged all the lands of Oeneus, uprooted the trees, and desolated the countryside. Meleagre [son of Oeneas] gathered from all the neighboring towns a large number of hunters and dogs, and managed to kill the monster.

Thus, they participated in the hunt: "Dryas, son of Mars, Idas and Lyncheus, son of Apharaeus, the Dioscuri; Theseus, son of Aegaeus; Admit, son of Peres; Cepheus and Anceus, son of Lycurgus; Jason, son of Son; Iphicles, son of Amphitryon; Pirithous, son of Ixion; Peleus, son of Eaque; Telamon, king of Salamis; Eurytion, son of Actor; Amphiaraos, son of Oicles; and with them the sons of Thestius, Iphicius, Evippus, Plexippus, Eurypyle". Ovid adds other hunters to this already long list. For this reason, differences in composition are encountered in artistic representations. But above all, the poets after Homer introduce the Amazon Atalanta in the boar hunt of Calydon. They narrate that she is the first one to touch the animal by carrying an arrow under its ear. Meleagre then gives the fatal blow "in the middle of its back".

The hunt of Calydon's boar?

If the different authors do not agree on the number and presence of certain characters, it is certain that not all hunters are represented here. The two riders could be the Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux riding their horses Xanthus and Cyllare. The woman adorned with bow and spear on a galloping horse seems to fit Ovid's description of Atalanta. "A light clasp holds her floating dress. A simple knot raises her hair. On his back hangs and resounds an ivory quiver, and in his hand is a bow, the instrument of his glory. Such is her finery; and as for her beauty, she looks like a young hero with the graces of a virgin". The knot tying her hair, the bow, and the clasp of her dress are indeed there. Only the quiver is missing.

The illustration of our cup, on the other hand, raises the question of the identification of the second woman. In all literary versions of the Calydon hunt, only one woman is invited to participate. It is possible to propose two readings to combat this difficulty. First, the composition could present two different moments. On the one hand a cavalcade of Atalanta following the boar, on the other hand Atalanta armed with a spear and pursuing him on foot. This hypothesis can be supported by the very strong similarity in the features of the two figures. This type of frieze depiction has its source in ancient illustrations, as can be seen in a drawing of the entourage of Frans I Floris (1519-1570) showing Calydon's boar hunt from an ancient bas-relief (Fig. 22). Second, the artist may not follow the description of the story rigorously by including a second female figure, as is found in later 17th-century compositions. The male figure on foot holding a spear in his right hand could therefore be depicted as Meleagre. However, to symbolize his youth, artists usually depict him as a beardless man. Giulio Romano does not contradict this stylistic tradition (Fig. 23). Thus, the representations of our cup, of the engraving by Virgil Solis (Fig. 24) and probably of a dish by Orazio Fontana (Fig. 25) are singular in presenting bearded Melaeger. As for the boar, it is represented with shades of white and gradations of light gray. This luminous coloration further corroborates the hypothesis of the illustration of Calydon's boar hunt. Indeed according to Athenaeus, the animal is in truth "a white milk".

The graphic model used for the composition of the belly of this cup is today unidentified, despite the production of numerous illustrations of Ovid's Metamorphoses in the sixteenth century by European master engravers. In France, Étienne Delaune proposed in 1573 a series of prints with mythological subjects in which he depicted the hunting of the boar of Calydon (fig.26), while Bernard Salomon in 1557 gave an illustration of the event in a series of plates of Ovid's Metamorphoses (fig.27). The vegetation in these vignettes is rightly reminiscent of the trees and bushes in the background of our section's composition.

A difficult identification of deer hunting

What about deer hunting? If the figure running from behind makes the link between the two hunts, the iconography of the latter remains uncertain. In addition to the story of Actaeon changed into a deer or the metamorphosis of Diana into a doe, which cannot be the subjects illustrated here, ancient history includes other episodes involving deer: Anymoné wounding a satyr while trying to kill a deer, Ascagne shooting Sylvie's deer or Hercules and the doe with golden horns. None of the quoted episodes corresponds to the representation, because no satyr appears, the deer is not killed by an arrow but by a spear and the episode summons several characters whereas Hercules operates alone. Nevertheless, it happens that the hunting of Calydon's boar is associated with a deer hunt. Such is the case in a mosaic of a Sicilian villa of the 1st century AD (Fig.28).

The representation of a Roman emperor:

On the other hand the interior decoration of the cup does not seem to present a link with the hunts developing on the whole of the belly. A portrait of a Roman emperor is inscribed in a medallion. The representation of Roman emperors in Limousin enamel seems to have been the specialty of Jean Miette, who is attributed the Plate to the portrait of Vitellius (Fig. 29), whose features are directly inspired by the engraving by Marcantonio Raimondi (1480-1534) (Fig. 30). The series of the Twelve Caesars published between 1506 and 1534 is indeed an important source of inspiration for enamel painters. Léonard Limosin (c.1505-c.1575) was inspired by it to decorate the reverse of the Assiettes de la suite des mois (Paris, Louvre OA 955a to d) and the plate in the Musée de Guéret (Guéret, Musée de la Sénatorerie, Inv. 0A 66) .
Obviously, the portrait of our cup is inspired by the continuation of the Twelve Caesars of Raimondi. The question of the identification of the emperor arises. Octavian, Titus, Nerva, Nero, Claudius, Otto, Vitellius and Galba cannot be represented in the center of our cup because the physiognomies are too distant. On the other hand, it is possible to doubt Julius Caesar, Vespasian and Domitian (Figs.31 to 33), although their portraits are reversed in relation to the hollow of the bowl. In the representation of Raimondi (Fig. 32), Vespasian does indeed have frowning eyebrows. But beyond this detail, the comparison is difficult to make, because the emperor is shown in the print with stronger cheeks and a more muscular neck. Also, the glottis is not as developed as on our model. The engraved profile of Julius Caesar is, on the other hand, closer (Fig. 31). However, the Imperator appears older than the model, while the hump of the forehead is not as pronounced. The laurel wreath, on the other hand, is very close. Domitian presents the most similar profile (Fig. 33). The glottis, chin, slightly frowned eyebrows, domed forehead, and hairstyle are very close, despite different laurel leaf crowns. However, both are tied with a ribbon. As such, the knot in our wreath clearly corresponds to that of Galba, especially since the drapery seems to be borrowed from him as well. The variation between the engraved model and the enamel painting is common. The reverse side of the Plate of April (Fig. 34) is a hybrid portrait of Vespasian's frown and the base of Domitian's neck.

A delicate attribution:

The impossible attribution to Pierre Reymond:

The development of important hunting scenes all around shaped pieces is relatively rare in Limoges enamelling in the 16th century, even though hunting representations invaded the decoration of plates at the same period. Pierre Reymond and his workshop seem to be among those most representative of the hunting theme. The Aiguière du Triomphe de Diane of 1554 (fig.4) or the Salières de la chasse à l'ours et au cerf (Paris, Petit Palais, ODUT1262 and ODUT1263) dated from the 3rd quarter of the 16th century bear witness to this. If Pierre Reymond's style is polymorphic, as it evolved largely between 1537 and 1578, it is difficult if not impossible to link this piece to this artist. Considering his style, our cut could have been made from 1575 onwards. The Plate of the Judgment of Moses (Fig. 35) shows more hieratic figures in comparison to the decoration removed from our bowl. Also, the chairs are barely rosy, even though this bowl shows bodies with a naturalistic coloring and developed musculature.

The Bellifontaine School and the Limosin Dynasty


The treatment of our hunting scenes resonates with the style of the Fontainebleau School, to which artists such as Leonard Limosin are attached. The Cup of Noah's Sacrifice (Fig. 36) shows a certain similarity in the treatment of children with the armed putti in our cup. These children, dancing between four female profiles, have muscular busts, chubby legs and hairstyles similar to those of the children in this cup. However, the copy in the Louvre, today attributed to an enameller in the entourage of Leonard Limosin, has undergone different attributions with regard to the historiographical balance sheet that can be delivered. Attributed by the Count of Laborde to Leonard Limosin, given by Alfred Darcel to Jean III Pénicaud, then by Jean-Joseph Marquet de Vasselot to the school of Leonard Limosin, this example shows the difficulty of attributing the realization of the decoration of a room to a painter on enamel. Above all, these changes and hesitations reflect the influences that may have been exercised between artists within the Limousin household. Yielding the paternity of our cup to Léonard Limosin seems problematic for several reasons. First of all, the artist signs his pieces with his initials "L.L" sometimes surmounted by a fleur de lys . A priori, no mark or signature appears on our copy. Also, the decoration seems somewhat late to link it to Leonard Limosin's own work. In this sense, if the origin of this cup had to be linked to the Limosin family, it would be better to consider the participation of Leonard II Limosin (c.1550-c.1625). This one seems to take the place of his father Martin around the year 1571. In spite of everything, it is difficult to be sure of it considering the derisory number of works of his hand preserved today.

The probable connection with the work of Jean III Pénicaud

The attribution to John III Pénicaud (c.1550-c.1625) is more attractive in view of his corpus of works which is denser. It should already be noted that no "object [attributed to him] bears a signature which would be that of John III Pénicaud". Only the style of the figures allows one to relate a work to its production. The mascarons inscribed in the lower part of the belly of the Aiguière de la purification (Fig. 37) invite comparison with the two heads painted at the foot of our cup, because they have similar laughing features. The figures in the main scenes of John III Penicaud's works use canons from the Bellifontaine school and, more generally, from Italian Mannerism in the same way as our own. The style of the figures seems to be similar to the drawings of Francesco Salviati (1510-1563), as was proposed for the Cup of Noah's Sacrifice (Fig. 38).

The distinction between the works of John III Pénicaud and his brother Pierre (c.1515-) is nevertheless arid. Both share a common aesthetic. Pierre would have been inspired by John. He nevertheless brings in his representations of battles a superior dramatic tension. The distress of the horses in the two Rondaches (Figs.39 and 40) depicting battles demonstrates this. Although perhaps a tone below, a comparable frenzy seems to haunt the horses in our cut. It is therefore difficult to decide between one or the other of the two brothers, all the more so since, as Sophie Baratte rightly points out, "even for the works that seem the safest to us, our knowledge is [...] very fragile".

Illustrations:

Fig. 21, Jacques Androuet du Cerceau, Triomphe de Diane in Fonds et couvercles de coupes, 1 vol., vers 1546, f°5, Paris, INHA, [en ligne]

Fig. 22 Entourage de Frans I Floris, La chasse du sanglier de Calydon d’après un bas-relief antique, Seconde moitié du XVIe siècle, plume et encre brune, Haut. 10, Larg. 20,8 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, INV 10492, recto

Fig. 23 Giolio Romano (d’après), Chasse du sanglier de Calydon, Première moitié du XVIe siècle, plume et encre brune, Haut. 26,2, Larg. 35,3 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, INV 3667

Fig. 24 Virgil Solis, Chasse du sanglier de Calydon, gravure sur bois, in Ovide, Les Métamorphoses, Francfort, 1569, p. 98.

Fig. 25 Orazio Fontana, Plat de la chasse du sanglier de Calydon, 1540-1550, faïence, Douai, Musée de la Chartreuse, Inv.999-4-1.

Fig. 26 Etienne Delaune, Atalante et Méléagre poursuivant le sanglier de Calydon, 1573, burin, Haut. 5,8 Larg. 7,4 cm., Strasbourg, Cabinet des estampes et des dessins, 77.2013.0.259

Fig. 27 Bernard Salomon, Chasse au sanglier de Calydon, gravure sur bois, in Ovide, Les Métamorphoses, Lyon, 1557, p. 95.

Fig. 28 Chasse au sanglier de Calydon, mosaïque, Montevenere, villa romaine, 1er siècle ap. J.-C.

Fig. 29 Jean Miette, Portrait de Vitellius, seconde moitié du XVIe siècle, émail peint sur cuivre, Diam. 19,3 cm., Baltimore, Walter Art collection, 44.166,

Fig. 30 Marcantonio Raimondi, Portrait de Vitellius, 1506-1534, s.n., Paris Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF), RESERVE EB-5 (+, 12) -BOITE ECU

Fig. 31 Marcantonio Raimondi, Portrait de Jules César, 1506-1534, s.n., Paris Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF), RESERVE EB-5 (+, 12) -BOITE ECU

Fig. 32 Marcantonio Raimondi, Portrait de Vespasien, 1506-1534, s.n., Paris Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF), RESERVE EB-5 (+, 12) -BOITE ECU

Fig. 33 Marcantonio Raimondi, Portrait de Domitien, 1506-1534, s.n., Paris Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF), RESERVE EB-5 (+, 12) -BOITE ECU

Fig. 34 Léonard Limosin, Assiette du mois d’avril (revers), émail sur cuivre, Diam. 21,2 cm., Paris, Louvre, OA955c.

Fig. 35 Attribué à Pierre Reymond, Plat du jugement de Salomon, 1570-1580 (Christie’s, vente de la collection Yves Saint Laurent et Pierre Bergé, 25 avril 2009, n°534, p. 230.)

Fig. 36 Léonard Limosin, Coupe du Sacrifice de Noé (détail), émail peint sur cuivre, Haut. 24, Diam. 18,9 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, MR2453. In BARATTE, Sophie, Les émaux peints de Limoges, Paris, RMN, 2000, p. 163.

Fig. 37 Attribuée à Jean III Pénicaud, Aiguière de la purification, seconde moitié du XVIe siècle, émail peint sur cuivre, Haut. 17,2 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, MR2442.

Fig. 38 Jean III Pénicaud, Coupe du Sacrifice de Noé, milieu du XVIe siècle, émail peint sur cuivre, Haut. 11,3 Diam. 11,5 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, MR 2456a. In BARATTE, Sophie, Les émaux peints de Limoges, Paris, RMN, 2000, p. 102.

Fig. 39 Pierre Pénicaud, Rondache du combat, milieu du XVIe siècle, émail peint sur cuivre, Diam. 40 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, MR2521.

Fig. 40 Pierre Pénicaud, Rondache du combat, milieu du XVIe siècle, émail peint sur cuivre, Diam. 40 cm., Paris, Musée du Louvre, MR2520.

32th GARDEN PARTY SALE - I
Sunday, October 4^th 2020, 14:00
Lot 28